It involved both state and households and was both a state and the folk ceremony, occurring on two levels, the imperial level and the local and community level. The Aztecs believed that the world having been created and destroyed on four occasions was threatened with destruction at the end of the 52 year cycle and its renewal was cause for celebration.
The Aztecs saw the change from one cycle to the next as the death of one life and the originating of a new one. The context of New Fire Ceremony was bound with the calendar, which was at the core of the Aztec religion. It was divided into two divisions namely a ritual 260 day calendar, the tonalpohualli cycle and a 360 day secular solar count, the xiupohualli, calendar. The ritual calendar, with its ritualistic succession of days, was not based on the astronomical year and its twenty months each contained only thirteen days and was determined to a fifty-two year calendrical cycle each day was dominated by a God. The secular calendar comprised of eighteen months of twenty day each and an unlucky period of five days, known as nemontemi, the months’ names related to crops which indications the importance of agriculture in the genesis of this time count, an importance shared by the general community on all levels.
The Aztec ceremonies occurred in accordance with the solar calendar the year.
The Binding of the Years,The Bundle. A combination of the tonalpohualli, and the xiupohualli, systems facilitated the numbering of the years which were determined in fifty-two years cycles which the Aztecs named as a bundle of fifty-two years (Leon-Portilla1962 xviii).
The New Fire Ceremony was ritualistically symbolised by the extinction of the altar fire which had burned for 52 years and the kindling of a new fire as a token of the granting of a rekindling and renewal of life. The Aztecs saw the change from one cycle to the next as the death of one life and the originating of a new one. The New Fire Ceremony was symbolically represented by a bundle of 52 rods which represented the end of a xiuhmolpillia (Townsend 2009 140, 173).The ceremony was of paramount importance because its failure would mean that this last night of the 52 year cycle might last for eternity and that a plague of wild beasts would descend and devour all humanity. There was the realisation at both stay and household level that the gods could withhold the renewal of their universe state for all mankind (Vaillant1941.185-199).
The ritual of the new fire ceremony was performed in a temple dedicated the ceremony where four bundles of rods were burnt by fire priests wearing the insignia of Xiuhtecuhtli and in the temples sacred fire .
The Year Two Reed.1507
The bundled as were carved in cylindrical stone sculptures by master sculptures mark the end of the Xiuhmolpillia. This sculpture links with the ceremony of 1507 during the reign of Moctezuma II who revised the calendar by changing the date of the ceremony from 1Rabbit to 2 Reed, which is displayed on the large front panel.The most thorough portrayal of the ceremony is that of Bernardino de Sahagún (1950-1982: Book 7: 25-32) who, through the Florentine Codex, describes and illustrates the ceremony in great detail, providing a vivid description of the spectacular New Fire Ceremony in the Aztec capital with its ceremonial procession of costumed gods impersonators
and anxious spectators scanning the sky, waiting for the Pleiades to cross the Zenith, the new fire to be struck and the runners and priests with lit torches from the sacred fires of the temple ready to light temple, elite, state and domestic fires across the empire .
The Codex Borbonicus is a rare masterpiece manuscript of 36 pages of beautiful paintings, a vibrant testimony of the Aztec culture art, ideology, calendar, deities, religion, auguries and rituals. Its information, solely imparted by illustrations, shows a spectrum of objects from elite monuments of religious and political usage, to the humble everyday objects such as figurines, used by commoners (Couch 1984: 89-91). Though the reading of manuscripts was confined to the educated elite, the Codex Borbonicus played an important role for each person because of its festival and calendrical materials. This is the earliest source of Aztecs festivals. The paintings are intricate, varied and complex and, unlike other sources, without traces of European influence, “and is the account that is closest to the preconquest traditions of recording information” (Couch 1984: 91).They depict a variety of activities, people and their functions from elite priests, representatives of the state, to barefoot commoners. These unique illustrations allow a unique insight into the New Fire Ceremony with its focus on all levels of society. The Codex Borbonicus demonstrates the importance of both religion and agricultural activities and their importance in the life of the commoners. The festivals involved a pro-active way of ensuring abundant rainfall and successful harvests. The detailed descriptions of Florentine Codex of Sahagún have been used in combination with, and as a means of interpreting the Codex Borbonicus, thus providing a synthesis of the New Fire Ceremony (Couch 1984: 89 -93).
Berdan(2005:126,127) points out that the New Fire Ceremony was a religious event of great public solemnity which involved all households in their ritual activity of cleaning, clearing and disposing of their homes and their artefacts. There was an overwhelming feeling of uncertainty about the critical cosmic ritual which, if unsuccessful, would mark the end of the fifth sun and darkness would descent and celestial monsters, tzitzimime, would consume humankind. People took an active and dedicated role in the participation of religious rituals especially in human sacrifice and the during New Fire Ceremony. Elson and Smith (2001) analyse the connection between imperial government, state control and local religious practices, looking at the archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence and ask if the household religion was autonomous or related to imperial religion. They believe that the New Fire Ceremony was a dialectic interaction between the traditional household local practices and that of the state, and that both contributed to the Aztec society and culture. The New Fire Ceremony involved rituals designed to forestall the cosmic danger which would end the world and therefore it involved the entirety of the Mexican Valley (Couch 1984: 105).
Hassig (2001: 97) states that the purpose of the New Fire Ceremony was as a religious mechanism of control to assert a political and secular control over all the towns and provinces sharing the same calendrical system. For this reason towns and communities in the extensive Aztec empire, instead of celebrating their own New Fire Ceremonies would participate in that of Tenochtitlan, with all its religious and political influence and from where relays of messengers and runners would carry the new fire .Tlaxcallan being a complex polity celebrated its own ceremony thus exhibiting its independence.
The State Level
The New Fire Ceremony took place on the Hill of the Star, an extinct volcanic crater, southeast of Tenochtitlan, which is today is an important place of Easter celebrations. Vaillant (1941: 73) states that the temple, which was dedicated to the event, “rises behind the town and dominates that lake, [and] is a memorial to its past splendour.” The ceremonial procession involved all the fire priests, wearing the costumes of gods leave Tenochtitlan at dusk, and walk silently along the southern causeway towards the temple at the summit of Mount Huixachtlan, The summit, centrally located, was widely visible. The temple platform was a long hallowed site before the arrival of the Aztecs (Townsend 1992: 131).
In every town and city around the lakes, all fires had been extinguished in temples, palaces, domestic hearths, pottery kilns and workshops. When night fell people became frightened because it the fire could not be drawn the sun would be destroyed and eternal night would follow “and the demons of darkness would descend to eat men” (Sahagún 1953: 27),
As soon as the stars had passed the meridian, the fire priest, from the Temple of Copulco, opened the chest of the “well born” sacrificial victim with a flint knife, called ixquauac, then took a wooden fire drill and bore and kindled a fire in the open breast of the victim. When the fire ignited the priest slashed open the chest seized the heart and cast it into a fire (Sahagún 1953: 27, 28). xxx(Figure 4)
When the new fire was kindled it bursts into flame and blazed and could be seen everywhere including from afar. It was taken to the ritual precinct, the top of the Great Temple, where of the image of the god Uitzilopochtli was situated and the fire was placed in the fire holder. The fire priests are shown on the Codex Borbonicus configured round the central open hearth where the fire is is blazing. The altar was held in high esteem and is commemorated by a sculpture (figure 5a,5b).the alter is shaped as a rectangular block and has a number of features which are in common with the cylindrical sculpture representing the binding of years (see figure 3).its carvings are of rods adorned with the eagle feathers and the ends have two groups of six chalchihuitl associated with the sun. This box as can be seen from its front panel is from the ceremony of 1507 during the reign of Moctezuma II 2 Reed, as seen by the display displayed on the front panel .The fire could be widely visible throughout the towns and villages of the valley as the people delight. The priests carry symbols of the ceremony on their attire and their accoutrements, including the bundles of sticks which were symbols for fire, and dogs, companion to the after life. The four bundles of torches are each comprised of thirteen brands which altogether add to fifty two years. The priests were in charge of the ceremonies and celebrations. Moctezuma II was the first to acknowledge and welcome the new fire
The priests scattered incense and then take the fire to each priest’s house and to the tribal temples and then the fire is taken to every homes throughout the land by fire priests, messengers and runners (Sahagún 1953: 29).The hierarchy displayed in the conduct of the distribution of the new fire is guided by the Imperial authoritative hierarchy. The first to receive distribution of the flame are Temple Mayor’s twin temples, then to Huitzilopochtli fire holder, then to the priest’s house, then to the tribal temples and finally to individual households.
The Local level
The observations of ceremonial symbolism of the New Fire Ceremony conducted by the state, was equalled throughout the empire at the local community level. The New Fire Ceremony was observed in the community of local people in their homes throughout the Aztec empire. Sahagún (1953: 25) describes in intricate detail the household rituals of local people. They allowed their fires and lights to become extinguished and destroyed their household chattels, utensils, cooking implements, the three hearthstones, mats, incense burners, clothing and furniture. Their household statues and idols whether hewn from wood or stone, were thrown into the water. Everywhere people threw their rubbish out of their homes which they cleaned and sweep (Sahagún 1953: 25). People fasted and engaged in lamentations while they waited with ominous trepidation for the possible catastrophe of the ending of the world (Townsend 1992: 130,131) In order to avoid starvation people would save and hoard every scrap of food (Townsend 2009: 141).
New Fire Ceremony.18.New fire taken to homes 19. Breaking and throwing away household goods at the end of the fifty two years cycle. (Sahagún 1953: 38).
During the useless five days, nemontemi, it was a time of danger and inactivity, a transitional time between the old year and the new. Pregnant women were enclosed granaries to associate themselves with maize, the life-giving symbol. It also feared that if the fire was not drawn they would turn into fierce beasts and would also eat men (Sahagún 1953: 27).When night fell people became frightened because if the fire could not be drawn the sun would be destroyed and eternal night would follow “and the demons of darkness would descend to eat men” (Sahagun1953: 27). People climbed onto their rooftops and no one remained inside their homes. As the people held their all-night vigil, they craned their necks towards the summit of Mount Huixachtlan to see if the new fire was drawn. Codex Borbonicus depicts the spectacular fire as the flames blazed, the people cut their ears and even their children’s to “perform a penance,” and they splattered their blood in the direction of the fire (Sahagún 1953: 28). When the fire was distributed to the homes of the commoners the latter would throw themselves into the fires and blister themselves. In the homes incense was offered as the commoners would take the incense ladle to the courtyard “and raise it in dedication to the four directions in the courtyard, then they cast it into the hearth” (Sahagun1953:31).
The Codex Borbonicus
The Codex Borbonicus which illustrates The New Fire Ceremony exhibits real people in its illustrations. It illustrates not only the fire priests and god impersonators of the temple but also commoners’ activities in an anecdotal and detailed way (Couch1984). Women who were pregnant are seen contained in terracotta grain bins, shown in the Codex Borbonicus, (lower, right centre) protected by warriors with shields and weapons. People are huddled in front of their homes waiting anxiously for the kindling of the new fire, a child sitting on his mother’s lap. The women were prevented from sleeping, to protect them from the spirits of women who had died during childbirth and armed with their flint knives, tzitzimime, and were determined to return and prevent the rekindling of the fire. The pregnant women wore masks of maguey leaves for protection. Children were also masked in maguey leaves and prevented from sleep by their parents because otherwise it was believed that they would turn into mice (Sahagún 1953: 27).This is illustrated in the Codex Borbonicus (bottom right).
With the dawn came celebrations, rejoicing and happiness and people would engage in personal bloodletting. Both men and women also renewed their clothing. There was the renovating of temples and refurbishing and reutensiling homes, and the renewing peoples’ household goods such as mats, hearthstones and pestles all those items which have been broken and thrown away at the end of the 52 years cycle. As Smith (2003: 231) believes that the New Fire ritual was especially appreciated by artisans such as potters, mat makers, obsidian knappers and idol makers even, though Sahagún and other sources remained silent on this issue. Amaranth seed cake covered with honey was eaten, after which all were forbidden to eat or drink midday. At noon captives were killed, there was feasting. Images made of pure amaranth seed dough were made in the images of the sacrificial victims. These were set with grains of maize and distributed as part of the feast. The commoners rejoiced as the newly laid fires were “laid and placed” amidst great rejoicing (Sahagún 1953: 31, 32).It was a time of renewal of the seasons and renewal of nature and vegetation. The ceremony of renewal and the rebirth of the sun was a re-enactment of “a drama of primordial creation and the first sunrise at the beginning of time. This myth was of great antiquity” (Townsend, 2009: 140, 143).
The archaeological evidence
The archaeological evidence is found in rubbish tips these include mats, incense burners, musical instruments, whistles, rattles, drums. There were images of gods of rain and vegetation used in domestic shrines, showing the importance of agriculture in the religious aspirations of the commoners. Clearly if material is made from perishable constituents archaeological survival will be problematic. Smith (2003:231) holds archaeological evidence of the New Fire Ceremony can be found in ritual dumps such as those at Chiconnautla and Nonoalcoin the Valley of Mexico where, unlike usual domestic refuge which is distributed over a period of time and in people’s backyards, these are in shallow dug pits in domestic courtyards and are covered with a layer of rocks. Pieces of pottery vessels have been broken in a way indicating deliberate breakage and not widely scattered. The rural and distant vicinity of these ritual dumps indicate that the new fire ceremony rituals took place in rural areas far from the capital Tenochtitlan, supporting Sahagún descriptions of the ritual practices and geographies. Elson and Smith (2001: 159) states that a ritual dump should contain limited amounts of single sherds or fragmented vessels, it should reflect the typical assemblage of a household, the deposit should be unstratified and the artefact should be within the vicinity of house groups of houses.
Conclusion
Hassig (2001: 97) sees the New Fire Ceremony as a means of political control by the Aztecs Empire focused on the ceremonial activities of Tenochtitlan and used to validate and legitimise subjugation over others, but the New First Ceremony was also part of the synchronisation of the personal and daily lives of ordinary people. Aztec culture and history was guided by their gods and Aztec religion, as any religion, sought to provide order and predictability. For the Aztecs, the New Fire Ceremony was an integral part of their world view .The intricate ceremonies of the Aztecs indigenous tradition sought to address and honour their gods and the worlds and wills of those gods. The agricultural cycle and religious festivals so celebrated and so pronounced involved the lives of the whole community. The Codex Borbonicus illustrates the New Fire Ceremony as a vibrant testimony of the Aztec ideology and culture and to be associated with the activities of commoners as well as elite. While the state responds in a ceremonial context of rituals and sacrifice the commoners renewed by abstinence and fasting, the discarding of their household items, cleaning, replenishing, extinguishing their fires, ceasing all normal daily activities during the nemontemi in preparation for renewal and the rekindling their fires. This renewal was the renewal of the individual, the household, the state and all mankind and individual action was given a contextual meaning within the New Fire Ceremony. According to Quinones Keber (1995: 243), “The individual is defined for better or worse by the vast structure of cosmos and history.” The midnight anxiety of scanning the sky for the Pleiades to cross the zenith, heralding the successful transition to the next cycle, is for all. The New Fire Ceremony operated as a momentous ceremony at both local and state level as part of the aspirations for an inseparable association between the Aztecs, they history, their ancestors and their gods. The renewal of the 52 year cycle is a cause for universal celebration.
